By Edelmiro Franco V. | 2025-04-18

BOGOTA -- Bojaya was once a forgotten town on the Colombian map -- until the tragedy of war thrust it into the international spotlight.

In May 2002, one of the country's worst massacres unfolded when dozens of civilians were killed inside a church during violent clashes between Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) guerrillas and paramilitary groups.

Today, the town remains obscure. The war may have changed names, but its cruelty persists.

Criminal organizations vying for control of the Atrato river continue to wreak havoc, with drug trafficking now at the heart of the violence, leaving the village's most vulnerable, especially its children, caught in the crossfire.

Hailton Perea is one of the few survivors of the 2002 massacre at the church, where residents had taken shelter from combat.

FARC fired a gas cylinder bomb (cilindro bomba) at paramilitaries positioned outside the church. It went through the church's roof instead.

At least 100 residents were killed inside the church -- 48 of them children -- in what became one of Colombia's most haunting tragedies.

The pain endures, passed down through generations.

Today, Perea is the mayor of Bojaya, a municipality of roughly 14,000 residents on the banks of the strategic Atrato river. The region, part of the remote and rugged department of Choco on the border with Panama, remains a corridor for illegal armed groups.

"Bojaya became known nationally and internationally for one of the worst massacres in Colombian history... and since then, nothing has changed. The conflict continues," Perea told Entorno in an interview.

He recalled the moment that marked his life forever: "I had just left the parish. Half an hour later, the bomb exploded. We saw human beings torn apart -- hands, heads -- scattered everywhere. Then a cousin of mine fell. I was very young."

Bojaya and other municipalities along the Atrato river are now engulfed in a brutal territorial dispute. Armed groups including the National Liberation Army (ELN), FARC dissidents and the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AGC), better known as the Clan del Golfo, are vying for control through violence and intimidation.

The presence of these groups has triggered an unprecedented humanitarian crisis in Choco. Human rights organizations documented at least 10 mass displacement events caused by clashes and operations involving these criminal factions in 2024.

According to the Ombudsman's Office and humanitarian organizations, at least 62,000 inhabitants were trapped where they lived in 2024 alone -- cut off from food, health care and basic rights by armed blockades and territorial control imposed by the ELN, AGC and FARC dissidents.

The majority of those affected are Afro-Colombian and Indigenous communities -- populations historically marginalized and now caught between armed violence and state neglect.

Forced recruitment of minors

In a July 2023 report, Colombia's Public Prosecutor's Office described the forced recruitment of minors by illegal armed groups -- particularly the ELN and the Clan del Golfo -- as a "serious situation" in Choco. The report highlighted the devastating consequences: a spike in school dropouts and a troubling increase in youth suicides.

In the same year, communities in Choco experienced widespread abuses, including social control measures, attacks on civilians, property seizures, individual and collective threats, targeted killings, forced disappearances, sexual violence and gender-based violence, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported.

Minors were particularly vulnerable, with many subjected to forced confinement and used in combat or support roles.

The primary mechanism behind forced recruitment in Choco is economic, according to a 2021 investigation by Ornella Uberti of the KALU Institute -- Humanitarian Aid Studies Center in Spain. Armed groups lure minors with promises of income -- offering about 1 million COP per month (about $250) for combat roles, or 600,000 COP ($150) to serve as lookouts or informants.

Minors are gradually integrated into the ranks until they are fully embedded, making escape nearly impossible without risking being labeled as traitors, the study said. Girls are especially vulnerable to sexual violence.

Citing the Ombudsman's Office, Uberti's research explains why minors are often targeted: "Recruiting children is more efficient than recruiting adults, as children are in a formative stage, more receptive to new teachings, techniques and indoctrination."

Jaison Mosquera, mayor of Istmina, described the situation as extremely serious in confirming the alarming reality.

"Recruitment is a complex issue," Mosquera told Entorno. "These illegal groups live among the community; they're near the schools, and they're convincing our children and teenagers to join the conflict."

He emphasized his concern: "It's deeply troubling to see so many young people carrying weapons for these outlawed groups."

Strategic hub for drug trafficking

Choco holds strategic value for illegal armed groups due to a combination of geographic, economic and social factors that make it ideal for illicit operations and territorial control.

With coastlines on both the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, Choco serves as a crucial corridor for drug trafficking to international markets, facilitated by high-speed boats and semi-submersible vessels.

Its dense, jungle-covered border with Panama -- stretching over 266km -- is a key route for smuggling weapons, narcotics and human trafficking.

Choco links Colombia's northern and southern regions, and its geography --marked by a labyrinth of rivers and a near-total absence of road infrastructure -- makes it easier for armed groups to move undetected and establish control over remote areas.

The department is rich in natural resources, particularly gold and other precious minerals. Illegal mining has become a major source of funding for these groups, who exploit mining zones and extort local miners, further entrenching their presence and power in the region.